The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation

Detalhes bibliográficos
Autor(a) principal: Gonçalves, Lydsson Agostinho
Data de Publicação: 2021
Outros Autores: Armelin, Paula Roberta Gabbai
Tipo de documento: Artigo
Idioma: por
Título da fonte: Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos
Texto Completo: https://periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br/ojs/index.php/cel/article/view/8661612
Resumo: This paper investigates Latin’s passive syncretism. In that language, the suffix that realizes the passive voice (default: -r) is also found in impersonal, anticausative and middle constructions, as well as in deponent verbs. Building upon previous works of Schäfer (2008) and Lazzarini-Cyrino (2015), and under the framework of Distributed Morphology (HALLE & MARANTZ, 1993; MARANTZ, 1997), we present a derivational proposal which argues that the syncretic marker is a non-referential argument – a variable – which is incorporated into the verb post-syntactically. The several interpretative contexts in which the marker appears in result from the original position it occupied and from its interaction with different flavors of Voice (FOLLI & HARLEY, 2005). If this variable is an external argument, there won’t be any other DP for it to be bound with, and it will remain without a θ-role and Case. Without a θ-role, it is read as an expletive at LF. The absence of Case is a problem for PF (LEVIN, 2015) and, in order to prevent the derivation from crashing, the variable incorporates into the verbal domain by means of Local Dislocation, in the terms of Levin (2015). Passive voice and impersonals result from the incorporation of the variable in the external argument position of a VoiceDO. The same configuration, but with a VoiceCAUSE, produces anticausatives. In middle contexts, the variable is also introduced in the external argument position, but it’s the argument of an Appl head (PYLKKÄNEN, 2008) that is promoted to syntactic subject. Deponents are divided into three types: we propose the agentive ones are in fact middle verbs, and so are derived in the same way; experiencer-subject deponents project that argument via an EXP head and the variable occupies the canonical external argument position; anticausative deponents result from the incorporation of Appl or EXP’s argument in a Voice-less structure.
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spelling The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporationO sincretismo do morfema -r em latim: ausência de caso e incorporação pós-sintáticaSyncretismPassive morphologyIncorporationSincretismoMorfologia passivaIncorporaçãoThis paper investigates Latin’s passive syncretism. In that language, the suffix that realizes the passive voice (default: -r) is also found in impersonal, anticausative and middle constructions, as well as in deponent verbs. Building upon previous works of Schäfer (2008) and Lazzarini-Cyrino (2015), and under the framework of Distributed Morphology (HALLE & MARANTZ, 1993; MARANTZ, 1997), we present a derivational proposal which argues that the syncretic marker is a non-referential argument – a variable – which is incorporated into the verb post-syntactically. The several interpretative contexts in which the marker appears in result from the original position it occupied and from its interaction with different flavors of Voice (FOLLI & HARLEY, 2005). If this variable is an external argument, there won’t be any other DP for it to be bound with, and it will remain without a θ-role and Case. Without a θ-role, it is read as an expletive at LF. The absence of Case is a problem for PF (LEVIN, 2015) and, in order to prevent the derivation from crashing, the variable incorporates into the verbal domain by means of Local Dislocation, in the terms of Levin (2015). Passive voice and impersonals result from the incorporation of the variable in the external argument position of a VoiceDO. The same configuration, but with a VoiceCAUSE, produces anticausatives. In middle contexts, the variable is also introduced in the external argument position, but it’s the argument of an Appl head (PYLKKÄNEN, 2008) that is promoted to syntactic subject. Deponents are divided into three types: we propose the agentive ones are in fact middle verbs, and so are derived in the same way; experiencer-subject deponents project that argument via an EXP head and the variable occupies the canonical external argument position; anticausative deponents result from the incorporation of Appl or EXP’s argument in a Voice-less structure.Este trabalho investiga o sincretismo da morfologia passiva em latim. Nessa língua, o sufixo que realiza a voz passiva (default: -r) também é encontrado em construções impessoais, anticausativas, contextos médios e verbos depoentes. Parte-se dos trabalhos de Schäfer (2008) e Lazzarini-Cyrino (2015) e, sob o modelo da Morfologia Distribuída (HALLE & MARANTZ, 1993; MARANTZ, 1997), apresenta-se uma proposta de derivação que postula que a marca sincrética é um argumento verbal não referencial – uma variável – incorporado ao verbo pós-sintaticamente. Os diversos contextos interpretativos em que a marca aparece resultam da posição original que esse argumento ocupava e da sua interação com diferentes sabores de Voice (FOLLI & HARLEY, 2005). Sendo a variável um argumento externo, não há outro DP para ela se ligar, e ela fica sem papel-θ e Caso. Sem papel-θ, a variável é lida como um expletivo em LF. A ausência de Caso, por sua vez, é um problema para PF (LEVIN, 2015) e, para que a derivação não seja perdida, a variável se incorpora ao domínio verbal via Deslocamento Local, nos termos de Levin (2015). A voz passiva e os impessoais resultam da incorporação da variável na posição de argumento externo de um VoiceDO. A mesma configuração, mas com um VoiceCAUSE, gera os anticausativos. Nos contextos médios, a variável também nasce na posição de argumento externo, mas é o argumento de um núcleo Appl (PYLKKÄNEN, 2008) que é promovido a sujeito sintático. Os depoentes se dividem em três tipos: propõe-se que os agentivos são, em verdade, médios, sendo derivados como eles; os depoentes de sujeitos experienciadores projetam esse argumento via um núcleo específico que chamamos de EXP e a variável ocupa a posição de argumento externo canônico; depoentes anticausativos resultam da incorporação do argumento de Appl ou EXP, mas em uma estrutura sem Voice.Universidade Estadual de Campinas2021-10-27info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionTextoinfo:eu-repo/semantics/otherapplication/pdfhttps://periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br/ojs/index.php/cel/article/view/866161210.20396/cel.v63i00.8661612Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos; v. 63 (2021): Publicação Contínua; e021007Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos; Vol. 63 (2021): Continous Publication; e021007Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos; Vol. 63 (2021): Publicación continua; e0210072447-0686reponame:Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticosinstname:Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP)instacron:UNICAMPporhttps://periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br/ojs/index.php/cel/article/view/8661612/26491Brazil; 2021Brasil; 2021Copyright (c) 2021 Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticoshttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessGonçalves, Lydsson AgostinhoArmelin, Paula Roberta Gabbai2023-07-04T17:48:26Zoai:ojs.periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br:article/8661612Revistahttp://revistas.iel.unicamp.br/index.php/cel/PUBhttp://revistas.iel.unicamp.br/index.php/cel/oaispublic@iel.unicamp.br||revistacel@iel.unicamp.br2447-06860102-5767opendoar:2023-07-04T17:48:26Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos - Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP)false
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
O sincretismo do morfema -r em latim: ausência de caso e incorporação pós-sintática
title The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
spellingShingle The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
Gonçalves, Lydsson Agostinho
Syncretism
Passive morphology
Incorporation
Sincretismo
Morfologia passiva
Incorporação
title_short The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
title_full The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
title_fullStr The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
title_full_unstemmed The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
title_sort The syncretism of latin’s -r morpheme: caselessness and post-syntactic incorporation
author Gonçalves, Lydsson Agostinho
author_facet Gonçalves, Lydsson Agostinho
Armelin, Paula Roberta Gabbai
author_role author
author2 Armelin, Paula Roberta Gabbai
author2_role author
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Gonçalves, Lydsson Agostinho
Armelin, Paula Roberta Gabbai
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv Syncretism
Passive morphology
Incorporation
Sincretismo
Morfologia passiva
Incorporação
topic Syncretism
Passive morphology
Incorporation
Sincretismo
Morfologia passiva
Incorporação
description This paper investigates Latin’s passive syncretism. In that language, the suffix that realizes the passive voice (default: -r) is also found in impersonal, anticausative and middle constructions, as well as in deponent verbs. Building upon previous works of Schäfer (2008) and Lazzarini-Cyrino (2015), and under the framework of Distributed Morphology (HALLE & MARANTZ, 1993; MARANTZ, 1997), we present a derivational proposal which argues that the syncretic marker is a non-referential argument – a variable – which is incorporated into the verb post-syntactically. The several interpretative contexts in which the marker appears in result from the original position it occupied and from its interaction with different flavors of Voice (FOLLI & HARLEY, 2005). If this variable is an external argument, there won’t be any other DP for it to be bound with, and it will remain without a θ-role and Case. Without a θ-role, it is read as an expletive at LF. The absence of Case is a problem for PF (LEVIN, 2015) and, in order to prevent the derivation from crashing, the variable incorporates into the verbal domain by means of Local Dislocation, in the terms of Levin (2015). Passive voice and impersonals result from the incorporation of the variable in the external argument position of a VoiceDO. The same configuration, but with a VoiceCAUSE, produces anticausatives. In middle contexts, the variable is also introduced in the external argument position, but it’s the argument of an Appl head (PYLKKÄNEN, 2008) that is promoted to syntactic subject. Deponents are divided into three types: we propose the agentive ones are in fact middle verbs, and so are derived in the same way; experiencer-subject deponents project that argument via an EXP head and the variable occupies the canonical external argument position; anticausative deponents result from the incorporation of Appl or EXP’s argument in a Voice-less structure.
publishDate 2021
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2021-10-27
dc.type.driver.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Texto
info:eu-repo/semantics/other
format article
status_str publishedVersion
dc.identifier.uri.fl_str_mv https://periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br/ojs/index.php/cel/article/view/8661612
10.20396/cel.v63i00.8661612
url https://periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br/ojs/index.php/cel/article/view/8661612
identifier_str_mv 10.20396/cel.v63i00.8661612
dc.language.iso.fl_str_mv por
language por
dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv https://periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br/ojs/index.php/cel/article/view/8661612/26491
dc.rights.driver.fl_str_mv Copyright (c) 2021 Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
rights_invalid_str_mv Copyright (c) 2021 Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
eu_rights_str_mv openAccess
dc.format.none.fl_str_mv application/pdf
dc.coverage.none.fl_str_mv Brazil; 2021
Brasil; 2021
dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv Universidade Estadual de Campinas
publisher.none.fl_str_mv Universidade Estadual de Campinas
dc.source.none.fl_str_mv Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos; v. 63 (2021): Publicação Contínua; e021007
Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos; Vol. 63 (2021): Continous Publication; e021007
Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos; Vol. 63 (2021): Publicación continua; e021007
2447-0686
reponame:Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos
instname:Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP)
instacron:UNICAMP
instname_str Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP)
instacron_str UNICAMP
institution UNICAMP
reponame_str Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos
collection Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos
repository.name.fl_str_mv Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos - Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP)
repository.mail.fl_str_mv spublic@iel.unicamp.br||revistacel@iel.unicamp.br
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