A institucionalização política da União Européia

Detalhes bibliográficos
Autor(a) principal: Santiago, Bráulio Junqueira
Data de Publicação: 2007
Tipo de documento: Dissertação
Idioma: por
Título da fonte: Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da PUC_SP
Texto Completo: https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/7393
Resumo: The creation of the European Union is, sometimes questioned for some people, a permanent negotioation between its respective State-Members; at the beggining six, then nine, twelve, fifteen, twenty-five and today twenty-seven and tomorrow, we will not know the exact number (Turkey has been agreement tready with European Union and as candidate countries are the States of Russia and Croatia). Each decision presums an agreement. If we have a global overlook, which means, if we look from outstide what happens inside this phenomenon, we realize that this creation brings advantages for all of the twenty-seven State-Members, on the other hand, it is a paradox that for each decision taken by the European Union, can not be an advantage for the twenty-seven States at the same time. Here resides the quid of the pacific permanence of this supernatural phenomenon, in which the twenty-seven States decide it. This difficulty gets greater knowing that the twenty-seven State-Members are, in many aspects deeply unequal. There is no doubt it is found in the Europeon Union´s quotidian interest differences. During the negotioations, each state acts according to the advantages of national interests, sometimes in a selfish way, seeking to take away this atribute of the supranational Union. Behind the visible issues are hidden other reasons that take each of the twentyseven States to desagree with each other. The differences are from many sorts. The proposal of this work is to show that such differences can come from the cultural, sociological, antrophological and sensibility differences... In short, this differences are based on their different historical pasts, the fact of twenty-seven State- Members exist in one same Union. There is a perfect knowlege that the European Union creation is an artificial act of men (differentely of family creations, tribes, cittas, Polis and the State) and nothing that refers to men is that simple. And if we face a relevant historical question which seems simple we can believe that we seek a way to deform it immediately, because the role of the law or history researcher, or even the history of the Juridical thinking is not to simplify the real, but to find out that inside this apparent simplicity, there is the living elements complexity. Inexorably, each State understands Europe and the European Union by their own manners; each one has their action fields' singular view of a plural community. This research could not left out the historical facts that are among the science of the Rights. For example, the history tells that was seen at Paris Conference Paris Peace of 1919 when J.M.Keynes questioned himself: What did this institution get in their golden rooms? In several moments, Keynes censured on his own memorandum prepared for the Paris Conference that the German State could not take a responsability greater than the amount of £2 billions and that any more pound could lead Europe to catastrophical results. So has foreseen Keynes. With this emblematic fact, another question is able to be answered: Could the knowlege of the past help in the construction of the future? If we don't give the correct importance to this context, historical and political, it may be risky to evaluate the situation on a mistaken way. The citizens excluded from this reality, several times because of wrong information or poor formation or even both, link Europe only to its direct narrow environment. This is the reason why for many French, for example, Europe is still the broaden sexangle . However, at any moment the crises may be increased, and at moments of severe crises it is natural to the nationalist asleep feeling to wake up, and take us to a situation in which prevailes the idea of a personal independence. It is necessary to remember that the own European Union´s idea itself, presupposed in advance that each State-Member could hide its apanages; its culture, its identity and by the subsidiary and solidarity s principles from the State-Members or the European Union show themselves capable of avoiding diversions towards extremed nationalism, with the followers of rage and wars, scattering throughout mankind and contaminating the newly discovered small Earth
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spelling Finkelstein, Cláudiohttp://buscatextual.cnpq.br/buscatextual/visualizacv.do?id=K4130184D8Santiago, Bráulio Junqueira2016-04-26T20:25:14Z2007-05-162007-03-26Santiago, Bráulio Junqueira. A institucionalização política da União Européia. 2007. 297 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Direito) - Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, São Paulo, 2007.https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/7393The creation of the European Union is, sometimes questioned for some people, a permanent negotioation between its respective State-Members; at the beggining six, then nine, twelve, fifteen, twenty-five and today twenty-seven and tomorrow, we will not know the exact number (Turkey has been agreement tready with European Union and as candidate countries are the States of Russia and Croatia). Each decision presums an agreement. If we have a global overlook, which means, if we look from outstide what happens inside this phenomenon, we realize that this creation brings advantages for all of the twenty-seven State-Members, on the other hand, it is a paradox that for each decision taken by the European Union, can not be an advantage for the twenty-seven States at the same time. Here resides the quid of the pacific permanence of this supernatural phenomenon, in which the twenty-seven States decide it. This difficulty gets greater knowing that the twenty-seven State-Members are, in many aspects deeply unequal. There is no doubt it is found in the Europeon Union´s quotidian interest differences. During the negotioations, each state acts according to the advantages of national interests, sometimes in a selfish way, seeking to take away this atribute of the supranational Union. Behind the visible issues are hidden other reasons that take each of the twentyseven States to desagree with each other. The differences are from many sorts. The proposal of this work is to show that such differences can come from the cultural, sociological, antrophological and sensibility differences... In short, this differences are based on their different historical pasts, the fact of twenty-seven State- Members exist in one same Union. There is a perfect knowlege that the European Union creation is an artificial act of men (differentely of family creations, tribes, cittas, Polis and the State) and nothing that refers to men is that simple. And if we face a relevant historical question which seems simple we can believe that we seek a way to deform it immediately, because the role of the law or history researcher, or even the history of the Juridical thinking is not to simplify the real, but to find out that inside this apparent simplicity, there is the living elements complexity. Inexorably, each State understands Europe and the European Union by their own manners; each one has their action fields' singular view of a plural community. This research could not left out the historical facts that are among the science of the Rights. For example, the history tells that was seen at Paris Conference Paris Peace of 1919 when J.M.Keynes questioned himself: What did this institution get in their golden rooms? In several moments, Keynes censured on his own memorandum prepared for the Paris Conference that the German State could not take a responsability greater than the amount of £2 billions and that any more pound could lead Europe to catastrophical results. So has foreseen Keynes. With this emblematic fact, another question is able to be answered: Could the knowlege of the past help in the construction of the future? If we don't give the correct importance to this context, historical and political, it may be risky to evaluate the situation on a mistaken way. The citizens excluded from this reality, several times because of wrong information or poor formation or even both, link Europe only to its direct narrow environment. This is the reason why for many French, for example, Europe is still the broaden sexangle . However, at any moment the crises may be increased, and at moments of severe crises it is natural to the nationalist asleep feeling to wake up, and take us to a situation in which prevailes the idea of a personal independence. It is necessary to remember that the own European Union´s idea itself, presupposed in advance that each State-Member could hide its apanages; its culture, its identity and by the subsidiary and solidarity s principles from the State-Members or the European Union show themselves capable of avoiding diversions towards extremed nationalism, with the followers of rage and wars, scattering throughout mankind and contaminating the newly discovered small EarthA construção da União Européia é, e às vezes alguns olvidam, um processo de negociação permanente entre seus respectivos Estados-Membros; de início, seis; depois, nove, doze, quinze, ontem vinte cinco, hoje, vinte sete. Amanhã não saberemos o número exato (já que com a Turquia a União Européia mantém uma intensa negociação; e como países candidatos encontram-se os Estados da Rússia e da Croácia). Para cada decisão pressupõe um acordo. Entretanto, se se fizer uma leitura global, ou seja, olhar de fora o que acontece dentro deste fenômeno, percebe-se que, se no todo este processo é mui vantajoso para os atuais vinte sete Estados-Membros, de outro lado depara-se com o paradoxo de que para cada decisão tomada pela União Européia, não pode por sua vez, ser vantajosa para os vinte sete Estados singuares, concomitantemente. Aqui reside o quid da incerta permanência pacífica deste fenômeno supranacional, no qual são vinte sete os Estados que decidem. Essa dificuldade agrava-se na medida em que os vinte e sete Estados-Membros são, em muitos aspectos, desiguais. Sem dúvidas que se encontram no cotidiano da União Européia as diferenças de interesses. Nas negociações, em geral, cada Estado se comporta em função das suas vantagens e dos interesses nacionais, na maioria das vezes de modo egoísta, procurando, dessa forma, retirar da União Supranacional esse atributo em si. No entanto, por trás dos palpáveis problemas se escondem outras razões que levam cada um dos vinte sete Estados a divergirem entre si. Os contrates são de inúmeras ordens. Procuro, então, mostrar nesta dissertação que tais contrastes podem ser provenientes das diferenças culturais, das diferenças sociológicas, das também diferenças antropológicas (apesar de estar geograficamente num mesmo continente), das diferenças de sensibilidade, dentre outras. Em suma, devem-se, sobretudo, estas questões idiossincráticas ao passado histórico diferente, ao fato de existirem vinte sete Estados-Membros e apenas um ente federado a ser compartilhado, ou seja, a União Européia. Perfeitamente, consciência se tem de que a construção da União Européia é uma obra artificial do homem diferentemente, por exemplo, da criação da família, tribo, cittas, Pólis e do Estado. E nada que se refere ao homem é simples. Se nos depararmos com uma questão histórica relevante e que nos pareça simples, estejamos certos de que imediatamente procuramos deformá-la, pois o papel dos pesquisadores do direito ou dos de história, ou mesmo dos pesquisadores da história do pensamento jurídico, é de não simplificar o real, mas de descobrir por detrás da aparente simplicidade, a complexidade dos elementos vivos. Inexoravelmente cada Estado entende a Europa e a União Européia à sua maneira; cada qual vê com olhos singulares os campos de ação de uma Comunidade plural. Doravente, não poderia deixar de abordar fatos históricos que não deixam de se estilhaçar na Ciência do Direito. Por exemplo, a história relata o que se abordou na Conferência de Paris Paz de Paris de 1919 quando J. M. Keynes a si questionou: o que esta instituição conseguiu em seus salões dourados? Keynes, neste dapasão, por vários momentos, admoestou, em seu próprio memorandum preparado para a Conferência de Paris, que o Estado alemão não poderia assumir uma responsbilidade maior do que a quantia de ₤2 bilhões; e que, qualquer libra a mais poderia significar a causa de resultados catastróficos para a Europa. Assim anteviu Keynes. Com este fato histórico- emblemático, pode-se então responder à outra questão: o conhecimento do passado ajuda a construção do futuro? Se se menosprezar todo esse pano de fundo jus-histórico e político, correr-se-á um alto risco de se avaliar de forma equivocada os trâmites das diferentes, ou não, decisões comunitárias. O cidadão marginalizado desta realidade, muitas vezes por má informação ou má formação ou ambos, associa a Europa apenas ao seu estreito meio circundante imediato. É assim que para muitos franceses, por exemplo, a Europa é, ainda, o hexágono alargado . Percebe-se, no entanto, que, em qualquer momento, poderá a crise suporar; e, em momento de aguda crise, é natural que o adormecido sentimento nacionalista desperte novamente e remeta a uma situação em que prevaleça o cada um por si ! Não obstante, recordar é preciso, neste momento, que a própria idéia da União Européia por si, pressupõe que cada Estado-Membro possa cultuar amplamente seus apanágios, sua cultura, sua identidade e que, por meio do princípio da subsidiariedade e da solidariedade, os Estados-Membros da União Européia se mostrem capazes de evitar derivas rumo ao nacionalismo extremado, com seu séqüito de ódios e guerras, alastrando para toda a humanidade e contaminando o pequeno globo terrestreConselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológicoapplication/pdfhttp://tede2.pucsp.br/tede/retrieve/16230/Braulio%20Junqueira%20Santiago.pdf.jpgporPontifícia Universidade Católica de São PauloPrograma de Estudos Pós-Graduados em DireitoPUC-SPBRFaculdade de DireitoEstados-Membros da União EuropéiaEuropa -- HistoriaUniao EuropeiaState-Members or the European UnionCNPQ::CIENCIAS SOCIAIS APLICADAS::DIREITOA institucionalização política da União Européiainfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/masterThesisinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessreponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da PUC_SPinstname:Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP)instacron:PUC_SPTEXTBraulio Junqueira Santiago.pdf.txtBraulio Junqueira Santiago.pdf.txtExtracted texttext/plain551164https://repositorio.pucsp.br/xmlui/bitstream/handle/7393/3/Braulio%20Junqueira%20Santiago.pdf.txtc2ed5b6f8d36361e88f71e48d8389769MD53ORIGINALBraulio Junqueira Santiago.pdfapplication/pdf1436630https://repositorio.pucsp.br/xmlui/bitstream/handle/7393/1/Braulio%20Junqueira%20Santiago.pdff94658ddce4b3f1821d54c791433bddeMD51THUMBNAILBraulio Junqueira Santiago.pdf.jpgBraulio Junqueira Santiago.pdf.jpgGenerated Thumbnailimage/jpeg2947https://repositorio.pucsp.br/xmlui/bitstream/handle/7393/2/Braulio%20Junqueira%20Santiago.pdf.jpga31072d2d65eaea0df147c936abf0d95MD52handle/73932023-11-25 12:27:41.147oai:repositorio.pucsp.br:handle/7393Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertaçõeshttps://sapientia.pucsp.br/https://sapientia.pucsp.br/oai/requestbngkatende@pucsp.br||rapassi@pucsp.bropendoar:2023-11-25T15:27:41Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da PUC_SP - Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP)false
dc.title.por.fl_str_mv A institucionalização política da União Européia
title A institucionalização política da União Européia
spellingShingle A institucionalização política da União Européia
Santiago, Bráulio Junqueira
Estados-Membros da União Européia
Europa -- Historia
Uniao Europeia
State-Members or the European Union
CNPQ::CIENCIAS SOCIAIS APLICADAS::DIREITO
title_short A institucionalização política da União Européia
title_full A institucionalização política da União Européia
title_fullStr A institucionalização política da União Européia
title_full_unstemmed A institucionalização política da União Européia
title_sort A institucionalização política da União Européia
author Santiago, Bráulio Junqueira
author_facet Santiago, Bráulio Junqueira
author_role author
dc.contributor.advisor1.fl_str_mv Finkelstein, Cláudio
dc.contributor.authorLattes.fl_str_mv http://buscatextual.cnpq.br/buscatextual/visualizacv.do?id=K4130184D8
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Santiago, Bráulio Junqueira
contributor_str_mv Finkelstein, Cláudio
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv Estados-Membros da União Européia
Europa -- Historia
Uniao Europeia
topic Estados-Membros da União Européia
Europa -- Historia
Uniao Europeia
State-Members or the European Union
CNPQ::CIENCIAS SOCIAIS APLICADAS::DIREITO
dc.subject.eng.fl_str_mv State-Members or the European Union
dc.subject.cnpq.fl_str_mv CNPQ::CIENCIAS SOCIAIS APLICADAS::DIREITO
description The creation of the European Union is, sometimes questioned for some people, a permanent negotioation between its respective State-Members; at the beggining six, then nine, twelve, fifteen, twenty-five and today twenty-seven and tomorrow, we will not know the exact number (Turkey has been agreement tready with European Union and as candidate countries are the States of Russia and Croatia). Each decision presums an agreement. If we have a global overlook, which means, if we look from outstide what happens inside this phenomenon, we realize that this creation brings advantages for all of the twenty-seven State-Members, on the other hand, it is a paradox that for each decision taken by the European Union, can not be an advantage for the twenty-seven States at the same time. Here resides the quid of the pacific permanence of this supernatural phenomenon, in which the twenty-seven States decide it. This difficulty gets greater knowing that the twenty-seven State-Members are, in many aspects deeply unequal. There is no doubt it is found in the Europeon Union´s quotidian interest differences. During the negotioations, each state acts according to the advantages of national interests, sometimes in a selfish way, seeking to take away this atribute of the supranational Union. Behind the visible issues are hidden other reasons that take each of the twentyseven States to desagree with each other. The differences are from many sorts. The proposal of this work is to show that such differences can come from the cultural, sociological, antrophological and sensibility differences... In short, this differences are based on their different historical pasts, the fact of twenty-seven State- Members exist in one same Union. There is a perfect knowlege that the European Union creation is an artificial act of men (differentely of family creations, tribes, cittas, Polis and the State) and nothing that refers to men is that simple. And if we face a relevant historical question which seems simple we can believe that we seek a way to deform it immediately, because the role of the law or history researcher, or even the history of the Juridical thinking is not to simplify the real, but to find out that inside this apparent simplicity, there is the living elements complexity. Inexorably, each State understands Europe and the European Union by their own manners; each one has their action fields' singular view of a plural community. This research could not left out the historical facts that are among the science of the Rights. For example, the history tells that was seen at Paris Conference Paris Peace of 1919 when J.M.Keynes questioned himself: What did this institution get in their golden rooms? In several moments, Keynes censured on his own memorandum prepared for the Paris Conference that the German State could not take a responsability greater than the amount of £2 billions and that any more pound could lead Europe to catastrophical results. So has foreseen Keynes. With this emblematic fact, another question is able to be answered: Could the knowlege of the past help in the construction of the future? If we don't give the correct importance to this context, historical and political, it may be risky to evaluate the situation on a mistaken way. The citizens excluded from this reality, several times because of wrong information or poor formation or even both, link Europe only to its direct narrow environment. This is the reason why for many French, for example, Europe is still the broaden sexangle . However, at any moment the crises may be increased, and at moments of severe crises it is natural to the nationalist asleep feeling to wake up, and take us to a situation in which prevailes the idea of a personal independence. It is necessary to remember that the own European Union´s idea itself, presupposed in advance that each State-Member could hide its apanages; its culture, its identity and by the subsidiary and solidarity s principles from the State-Members or the European Union show themselves capable of avoiding diversions towards extremed nationalism, with the followers of rage and wars, scattering throughout mankind and contaminating the newly discovered small Earth
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