A variação na expressão do dativo em variedades lingüísticas rurais goianas

• Autor(a) principal: Nascimento, André Marques do
• Data de Publicação: 2007
• Tipo de documento: Dissertação
• Idioma: por
• Título da fonte: Repositório Institucional da UFG
• dARK ID: ark:/38995/00130000045t2
• Texto Completo: http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/13323
• topic: Verbos bitransitivos; fala de comunidades rurais goianas; LINGUISTICA, LETRAS E ARTES::ARTES::ARTES PLASTICAS

The regularity underlying variation in the use of dative complements of ditransitive verbs in speech samples of rural communities from Goiás is investigated in this work. Through quantitative sociolinguistic approach, it aims to verify which linguistic and social factors act in the alternance among a~para~Ø forms to express dative content besides bringing this variable phenomenon into relation to the discussion concerning to the structural origins of Brazilian Portuguese. The results indicate a change in progress in direction to the categorical use of the preposition para in the samples analyzed. Apparent time analysis shows that a and Ø forms tend to disappear in the speech of the communities observed. By means of quantification, which was analyzed by VARBRUL 2S programs, the indication of the linguistic variables adjacency of indirect object in relation to verb and morphology of direct object as statistically influent in the occurrence of Ø was obtained. This form occurs more often in linguistic environments which are more prototypical of dative constructions. Through principles such as prototypicity, iconicity and economy of linguistic forms it is argued that variation in focus has a functional origin, once the variant Ø is favored by contexts in which the preposition represents predictable and recoverable information. Preference for preposition para is explained by its semantic transparence in expression of dative content and by its neutrality in relation to a, which is more formal, and Ø, which is socially stigmatized and occurs more often in speech of illiterate individuals. European Portuguese diachronic data show that para and Ø forms were already present in this language structure. This fact confirms the hypothesis that origin of synchronic variation observed in rural communities from Goiás is not the result of linguistic contact with African languages in Brazil by means of an earlier process of irregular linguistic transmission. On the contrary, it is argued that synchronic variation reflects the natural shift of Portuguese since its archaic stage. This hypothesis is sustained by the fact that para and Ø forms are present in data of acquisition of Portuguese as a second language by speakers of different first languages.