Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection

Detalhes bibliográficos
Autor(a) principal: Ferrari, Ana Laura Rodrigues Ferreira
Data de Publicação: 2021
Tipo de documento: Dissertação
Idioma: eng
Título da fonte: Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP
Texto Completo: https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-23082021-111619/
Resumo: This master\'s thesis aims to clarify the connection between democratic backsliding and populism and propose productive paths for the progress of these research agendas. My first research goal is to answer whether the concept of populism adds gains to democratic backsliding studies or whether the costs inherent to this contested concept outweigh them. My second research goal is to suggest how the ideational approach to populism can overcome the limitation of not theorizing about the effects of populism on the quality of democracy. I assess the gains in the concept of populism by investigating three analytical advantages that it could bring to democratic backsliding studies: identifying authoritarian preferences in political actors, recognizing a pattern of institutional change in backsliding processes, and facilitating the unfolding of backsliding processes by legitimating authoritarian measures. After discussing each of these advantages and comparing the patterns of institutional change of a populist (Hungary, 2010-2015) and a non-populist (Bulgaria, 2016-2019) episode of democratic backsliding, I conclude that: identifying authoritarian preferences is a weak analytical advantage of populism; populism does not distinguish the actions chief executives take to erode democracy; and interpreting populism as a legitimating ideology requires that scholars adopt an ideational theoretical strand uncommon in democratic backsliding studies. Therefore, I suggest that scholars interested in democratic backsliding should rethink when and how they should mention populism, as the concept may generate more costs than gains to this research agenda. Finally, I suggest that scholars who adhere to the ideational approach could interpret populism in power as a legitimating ideology and explore how it exerts power in ideas and power through ideas over politicians and voters after elections. Thus, I conclude that, without having to waive its preferred theoretical framework, the ideational approach can expand its reach to embrace the effects of populism on democratic backsliding.
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spelling Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connectionRetrocesso democrático e populismo: caminhos para uma conexão mais produtivaAbordagem ideacionalDeclínio democráticoDemocratic backslidingDemocratic declineDemocratic erosionErosão democrática, PopulismoIdeational approachPopulismRetrocesso democráticoThis master\'s thesis aims to clarify the connection between democratic backsliding and populism and propose productive paths for the progress of these research agendas. My first research goal is to answer whether the concept of populism adds gains to democratic backsliding studies or whether the costs inherent to this contested concept outweigh them. My second research goal is to suggest how the ideational approach to populism can overcome the limitation of not theorizing about the effects of populism on the quality of democracy. I assess the gains in the concept of populism by investigating three analytical advantages that it could bring to democratic backsliding studies: identifying authoritarian preferences in political actors, recognizing a pattern of institutional change in backsliding processes, and facilitating the unfolding of backsliding processes by legitimating authoritarian measures. After discussing each of these advantages and comparing the patterns of institutional change of a populist (Hungary, 2010-2015) and a non-populist (Bulgaria, 2016-2019) episode of democratic backsliding, I conclude that: identifying authoritarian preferences is a weak analytical advantage of populism; populism does not distinguish the actions chief executives take to erode democracy; and interpreting populism as a legitimating ideology requires that scholars adopt an ideational theoretical strand uncommon in democratic backsliding studies. Therefore, I suggest that scholars interested in democratic backsliding should rethink when and how they should mention populism, as the concept may generate more costs than gains to this research agenda. Finally, I suggest that scholars who adhere to the ideational approach could interpret populism in power as a legitimating ideology and explore how it exerts power in ideas and power through ideas over politicians and voters after elections. Thus, I conclude that, without having to waive its preferred theoretical framework, the ideational approach can expand its reach to embrace the effects of populism on democratic backsliding.Esta dissertação visa esclarecer a conexão entre retrocesso democrático e populismo e propor caminhos produtivos para o avanço dessas agendas de pesquisa. Meu primeiro objetivo de pesquisa é responder se o conceito de populismo agrega ganhos aos estudos de retrocesso democrático ou se os custos inerentes a esse conceito os superam. Meu segundo objetivo de pesquisa é sugerir como a abordagem ideacional do populismo pode superar a limitação de não teorizar sobre os efeitos do populismo na qualidade da democracia. Eu avalio os ganhos do conceito de populismo investigando três vantagens analíticas que ele poderia trazer para estudos de retrocesso democrático: identificar preferências autoritárias em atores políticos, reconhecer um padrão de mudança institucional em processos de retrocesso democrático e facilitar o desdobramento de processos de retrocesso democrático por meio da legitimação de medidas autoritárias. Depois de discutir cada uma dessas vantagens e comparar os padrões de mudança institucional de um episódio de retrocesso democrático populista (Hungria, 2010-2015) e um não populista (Bulgária, 2016-2019), eu concluo que: identificar preferências autoritárias é uma vantagem analítica fraca do populismo; populismo não distingue as ações que chefes de governo tomam para erodir a democracia; e interpretar o populismo como uma ideologia legitimadora requer que pesquisadores adotem uma vertente teórica ideacional que é incomum em estudos de retrocesso democrático. Portanto, eu sugiro que pesquisadores interessados em retrocesso democrático devem repensar quando e como deve-se mencionar populismo, já que o conceito pode gerar mais custos do que ganhos para essa agenda de pesquisa. Finalmente, eu sugiro que pesquisadores que aderem à abordagem ideacional podem interpretar o populismo no poder como uma ideologia legitimadora e explorar como ele exerce poder em ideias e poder por meio de ideias sobre políticos e eleitores após as eleições. Assim, eu concluo que, sem ter que renunciar a sua vertente teórica preferida, a abordagem ideacional pode expandir seu alcance para abarcar os efeitos do populismo sobre os processos de retrocesso democrático.Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USPLavalle, Adrian GurzaFerrari, Ana Laura Rodrigues Ferreira2021-08-03info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/masterThesisapplication/pdfhttps://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-23082021-111619/reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USPinstname:Universidade de São Paulo (USP)instacron:USPLiberar o conteúdo para acesso público.info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesseng2021-08-25T19:03:02Zoai:teses.usp.br:tde-23082021-111619Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertaçõeshttp://www.teses.usp.br/PUBhttp://www.teses.usp.br/cgi-bin/mtd2br.plvirginia@if.usp.br|| atendimento@aguia.usp.br||virginia@if.usp.bropendoar:27212021-08-25T19:03:02Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP - Universidade de São Paulo (USP)false
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
Retrocesso democrático e populismo: caminhos para uma conexão mais produtiva
title Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
spellingShingle Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
Ferrari, Ana Laura Rodrigues Ferreira
Abordagem ideacional
Declínio democrático
Democratic backsliding
Democratic decline
Democratic erosion
Erosão democrática, Populismo
Ideational approach
Populism
Retrocesso democrático
title_short Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
title_full Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
title_fullStr Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
title_full_unstemmed Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
title_sort Democratic backsliding and populism: paths for a more productive connection
author Ferrari, Ana Laura Rodrigues Ferreira
author_facet Ferrari, Ana Laura Rodrigues Ferreira
author_role author
dc.contributor.none.fl_str_mv Lavalle, Adrian Gurza
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Ferrari, Ana Laura Rodrigues Ferreira
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv Abordagem ideacional
Declínio democrático
Democratic backsliding
Democratic decline
Democratic erosion
Erosão democrática, Populismo
Ideational approach
Populism
Retrocesso democrático
topic Abordagem ideacional
Declínio democrático
Democratic backsliding
Democratic decline
Democratic erosion
Erosão democrática, Populismo
Ideational approach
Populism
Retrocesso democrático
description This master\'s thesis aims to clarify the connection between democratic backsliding and populism and propose productive paths for the progress of these research agendas. My first research goal is to answer whether the concept of populism adds gains to democratic backsliding studies or whether the costs inherent to this contested concept outweigh them. My second research goal is to suggest how the ideational approach to populism can overcome the limitation of not theorizing about the effects of populism on the quality of democracy. I assess the gains in the concept of populism by investigating three analytical advantages that it could bring to democratic backsliding studies: identifying authoritarian preferences in political actors, recognizing a pattern of institutional change in backsliding processes, and facilitating the unfolding of backsliding processes by legitimating authoritarian measures. After discussing each of these advantages and comparing the patterns of institutional change of a populist (Hungary, 2010-2015) and a non-populist (Bulgaria, 2016-2019) episode of democratic backsliding, I conclude that: identifying authoritarian preferences is a weak analytical advantage of populism; populism does not distinguish the actions chief executives take to erode democracy; and interpreting populism as a legitimating ideology requires that scholars adopt an ideational theoretical strand uncommon in democratic backsliding studies. Therefore, I suggest that scholars interested in democratic backsliding should rethink when and how they should mention populism, as the concept may generate more costs than gains to this research agenda. Finally, I suggest that scholars who adhere to the ideational approach could interpret populism in power as a legitimating ideology and explore how it exerts power in ideas and power through ideas over politicians and voters after elections. Thus, I conclude that, without having to waive its preferred theoretical framework, the ideational approach can expand its reach to embrace the effects of populism on democratic backsliding.
publishDate 2021
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2021-08-03
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