Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others

Detalhes bibliográficos
Autor(a) principal: Hovi, Jon
Data de Publicação: 2017
Outros Autores: Skodvin, Tora
Tipo de documento: Artigo
Idioma: eng
Título da fonte: Repositório Científico de Acesso Aberto de Portugal (Repositórios Cientìficos)
Texto Completo: https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.886
Resumo: Under what conditions should we expect the United States to support international enforcement of treaties? We hypothesize that U.S. support is most likely for treaties where international enforcement will cause considerable (desired) behavioral change by other countries but little (undesired) behavioral change by the United States. Similarly, U.S. support is least likely for treaties where international enforcement will generate the converse effects. In developing this hypothesis, we derive specific conditions under which we should expect U.S. benefits of international enforcement to outweigh U.S. costs (or vice versa). We also provide empirical examples. Finally, we consider three alternative explanations of U.S. views on international enforcement—concern for U.S. sovereignty, desire to prevent infringements on U.S. constitutional protection of individual rights, and the usefulness of international enforcement as a domestic commitment device. We discuss these alternative explanatory factors' relationship to our own hypothesis.
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spelling Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Othersinternational cooperation; international enforcement; political feasibility; treaties; U.S. foreign policyUnder what conditions should we expect the United States to support international enforcement of treaties? We hypothesize that U.S. support is most likely for treaties where international enforcement will cause considerable (desired) behavioral change by other countries but little (undesired) behavioral change by the United States. Similarly, U.S. support is least likely for treaties where international enforcement will generate the converse effects. In developing this hypothesis, we derive specific conditions under which we should expect U.S. benefits of international enforcement to outweigh U.S. costs (or vice versa). We also provide empirical examples. Finally, we consider three alternative explanations of U.S. views on international enforcement—concern for U.S. sovereignty, desire to prevent infringements on U.S. constitutional protection of individual rights, and the usefulness of international enforcement as a domestic commitment device. We discuss these alternative explanatory factors' relationship to our own hypothesis.Cogitatio2017-05-10info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/articleapplication/pdfhttps://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.886oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/886Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 79-922183-2463reponame:Repositório Científico de Acesso Aberto de Portugal (Repositórios Cientìficos)instname:Agência para a Sociedade do Conhecimento (UMIC) - FCT - Sociedade da Informaçãoinstacron:RCAAPenghttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/886https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.886https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/886/886Copyright (c) 2017 Jon Hovi, Tora Skodvinhttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessHovi, JonSkodvin, Tora2022-10-21T16:03:52Zoai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/886Portal AgregadorONGhttps://www.rcaap.pt/oai/openaireopendoar:71602024-03-19T16:13:47.619803Repositório Científico de Acesso Aberto de Portugal (Repositórios Cientìficos) - Agência para a Sociedade do Conhecimento (UMIC) - FCT - Sociedade da Informaçãofalse
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
title Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
spellingShingle Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
Hovi, Jon
international cooperation; international enforcement; political feasibility; treaties; U.S. foreign policy
title_short Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
title_full Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
title_fullStr Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
title_full_unstemmed Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
title_sort Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
author Hovi, Jon
author_facet Hovi, Jon
Skodvin, Tora
author_role author
author2 Skodvin, Tora
author2_role author
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Hovi, Jon
Skodvin, Tora
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv international cooperation; international enforcement; political feasibility; treaties; U.S. foreign policy
topic international cooperation; international enforcement; political feasibility; treaties; U.S. foreign policy
description Under what conditions should we expect the United States to support international enforcement of treaties? We hypothesize that U.S. support is most likely for treaties where international enforcement will cause considerable (desired) behavioral change by other countries but little (undesired) behavioral change by the United States. Similarly, U.S. support is least likely for treaties where international enforcement will generate the converse effects. In developing this hypothesis, we derive specific conditions under which we should expect U.S. benefits of international enforcement to outweigh U.S. costs (or vice versa). We also provide empirical examples. Finally, we consider three alternative explanations of U.S. views on international enforcement—concern for U.S. sovereignty, desire to prevent infringements on U.S. constitutional protection of individual rights, and the usefulness of international enforcement as a domestic commitment device. We discuss these alternative explanatory factors' relationship to our own hypothesis.
publishDate 2017
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2017-05-10
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dc.language.iso.fl_str_mv eng
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dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/886
https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.886
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/886/886
dc.rights.driver.fl_str_mv Copyright (c) 2017 Jon Hovi, Tora Skodvin
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
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rights_invalid_str_mv Copyright (c) 2017 Jon Hovi, Tora Skodvin
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
eu_rights_str_mv openAccess
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dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv Cogitatio
publisher.none.fl_str_mv Cogitatio
dc.source.none.fl_str_mv Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 79-92
2183-2463
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