Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket

Detalhes bibliográficos
Autor(a) principal: Aprasidze, David
Data de Publicação: 2020
Outros Autores: Siroky, David S.
Tipo de documento: Artigo
Idioma: eng
Título da fonte: Repositório Científico de Acesso Aberto de Portugal (Repositórios Cientìficos)
Texto Completo: https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370
Resumo: Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country’s representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the ‘can do experts.’ The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.
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spelling Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My PocketGeorgia; hybrid regimes; Ivanishvili; populism; technocratic populismMost studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country’s representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the ‘can do experts.’ The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.Cogitatio2020-12-17info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/articleapplication/pdfhttps://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3370Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World; 580-5892183-2463reponame:Repositório Científico de Acesso Aberto de Portugal (Repositórios Cientìficos)instname:Agência para a Sociedade do Conhecimento (UMIC) - FCT - Sociedade da Informaçãoinstacron:RCAAPenghttps://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3370https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3370/3370Copyright (c) 2020 David Aprasidze, David S. Sirokyhttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessAprasidze, DavidSiroky, David S.2022-10-21T16:03:04Zoai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3370Portal AgregadorONGhttps://www.rcaap.pt/oai/openaireopendoar:71602024-03-19T16:13:45.474858Repositório Científico de Acesso Aberto de Portugal (Repositórios Cientìficos) - Agência para a Sociedade do Conhecimento (UMIC) - FCT - Sociedade da Informaçãofalse
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
title Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
spellingShingle Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
Aprasidze, David
Georgia; hybrid regimes; Ivanishvili; populism; technocratic populism
title_short Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
title_full Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
title_fullStr Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
title_full_unstemmed Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
title_sort Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
author Aprasidze, David
author_facet Aprasidze, David
Siroky, David S.
author_role author
author2 Siroky, David S.
author2_role author
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Aprasidze, David
Siroky, David S.
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv Georgia; hybrid regimes; Ivanishvili; populism; technocratic populism
topic Georgia; hybrid regimes; Ivanishvili; populism; technocratic populism
description Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country’s representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the ‘can do experts.’ The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.
publishDate 2020
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2020-12-17
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dc.identifier.uri.fl_str_mv https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370
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url https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370
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dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3370
https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3370
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3370/3370
dc.rights.driver.fl_str_mv Copyright (c) 2020 David Aprasidze, David S. Siroky
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
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rights_invalid_str_mv Copyright (c) 2020 David Aprasidze, David S. Siroky
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
eu_rights_str_mv openAccess
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dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv Cogitatio
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dc.source.none.fl_str_mv Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World; 580-589
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