Essays in applied political economics
Autor(a) principal: | |
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Data de Publicação: | 2021 |
Tipo de documento: | Tese |
Idioma: | eng |
Título da fonte: | Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP |
Texto Completo: | https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-31052021-165612/ |
Resumo: | This doctoral dissertation consists of three independent essays, divided by chapters. In the first chapter, I examine the effects of banning corporate contributions to electoral campaigns. Using a difference-in-differences design in the suitable setting of the 2015 reform in Brazil that prohibited donations from companies, I find that banning corporate contributions led candidates to substitute the funding sources to finance campaigns. In particular, candidates relied on self-contribution. The ban also affected the pool of candidates by increasing the number of candidates running for office and attracting wealthier candidates. In terms of political selection for office, the ban led wealthier candidates to become mayors. Another interesting finding is that for municipalities with open seats the effect of favoring wealthier candidates is larger. These results suggest that even though the 2015 reform was aimed at reducing the role of money in elections, leakages such as the removal of specific limits to self-contribution can maintain the status quo of a few sources of \"big money\" setting the stage for successful candidacies. In the second chapter, I answer the following question: does the federal government prioritize its local allies on the provision of public resources? Using a regression discontinuity design in close elections and data of the Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil (PMM) - a program from the Brazilian Ministry of Health that targets the provision of basic health services and the increase of local medical density by transferring professionals to the Brazilian municipalities - this chapter assesses the impact of the political alignment between federal and local governments on the number of physicians transferred to municipalities and the municipalities\' probability of participation. The results suggest that the federal government does not prioritize same-party municipalities nor penalizes the ones governed by the opposition parties. I show that this null effect remains across municipalities with different levels of medical density and different population sizes. One explanation for these results is that with the \"branded\" nature of PMM and the wide media coverage of the program, the electoral credit for PMM ended going to the federal government and, hence, the party heading local governments would not be a critical factor for the distribution of doctors across municipalities. In the third chapter, I provide answers to the following question: are supporters of winning coalitions in local elections over-represented among beneficiaries of Minha Casa Minha Vida Program? Since 2009, suspicions have arisen about the lack of transparency in the selection of beneficiaries by city halls and about a potential political favoring of groups in the waiting list for housing. Using a Regression Discontinuity (RD) model on the margin of victory in municipal mayoral elections, this chapter investigates whether party members and campaign donors are selected more often in the program when supporting winning candidates. The results suggest that there is no such political favoring. Among the reasons for finding such null results are the possibility of mayors favoring indirect allies, or the difficulty of taking back homes from beneficiaries once granted, which substantially reduces the mayor\'s bargaining power. In addition, it is possible that the transparent selection of candidates is more frequent exactly in municipalities with high electoral competition and, therefore, with narrowly defined elections. In this case, the use of RD on the margin of victory could not elicit the effect of political favoring. |
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Essays in applied political economicsEnsaios em economia política aplicadaCampaign financingElectoral reformFavorecimento políticoFinanciamento de campanhaPolitical favoringReforma eleitoralThis doctoral dissertation consists of three independent essays, divided by chapters. In the first chapter, I examine the effects of banning corporate contributions to electoral campaigns. Using a difference-in-differences design in the suitable setting of the 2015 reform in Brazil that prohibited donations from companies, I find that banning corporate contributions led candidates to substitute the funding sources to finance campaigns. In particular, candidates relied on self-contribution. The ban also affected the pool of candidates by increasing the number of candidates running for office and attracting wealthier candidates. In terms of political selection for office, the ban led wealthier candidates to become mayors. Another interesting finding is that for municipalities with open seats the effect of favoring wealthier candidates is larger. These results suggest that even though the 2015 reform was aimed at reducing the role of money in elections, leakages such as the removal of specific limits to self-contribution can maintain the status quo of a few sources of \"big money\" setting the stage for successful candidacies. In the second chapter, I answer the following question: does the federal government prioritize its local allies on the provision of public resources? Using a regression discontinuity design in close elections and data of the Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil (PMM) - a program from the Brazilian Ministry of Health that targets the provision of basic health services and the increase of local medical density by transferring professionals to the Brazilian municipalities - this chapter assesses the impact of the political alignment between federal and local governments on the number of physicians transferred to municipalities and the municipalities\' probability of participation. The results suggest that the federal government does not prioritize same-party municipalities nor penalizes the ones governed by the opposition parties. I show that this null effect remains across municipalities with different levels of medical density and different population sizes. One explanation for these results is that with the \"branded\" nature of PMM and the wide media coverage of the program, the electoral credit for PMM ended going to the federal government and, hence, the party heading local governments would not be a critical factor for the distribution of doctors across municipalities. In the third chapter, I provide answers to the following question: are supporters of winning coalitions in local elections over-represented among beneficiaries of Minha Casa Minha Vida Program? Since 2009, suspicions have arisen about the lack of transparency in the selection of beneficiaries by city halls and about a potential political favoring of groups in the waiting list for housing. Using a Regression Discontinuity (RD) model on the margin of victory in municipal mayoral elections, this chapter investigates whether party members and campaign donors are selected more often in the program when supporting winning candidates. The results suggest that there is no such political favoring. Among the reasons for finding such null results are the possibility of mayors favoring indirect allies, or the difficulty of taking back homes from beneficiaries once granted, which substantially reduces the mayor\'s bargaining power. In addition, it is possible that the transparent selection of candidates is more frequent exactly in municipalities with high electoral competition and, therefore, with narrowly defined elections. In this case, the use of RD on the margin of victory could not elicit the effect of political favoring.Esta tese de doutorado é composta por três ensaios independentes, separados em capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, examino os efeitos da proibição de contribuições de empresas para campanhas eleitorais. Usando um desenho de diferença-em-diferenças no contexto da reforma de 2015 no Brasil que proibiu doações de empresas, encontro que a proibição de doações empresariais levou os candidatos a substituir as fontes de financiamento de campanhas. Em particular, os candidatos passaram a utilizar como fonte contribuições próprias. A proibição também afetou a entrada de candidatos no processo eleitoral, aumentando o número de candidatos e atraindo candidatos mais ricos. Em termos da eleição de candidatos, a proibição levou candidatos mais ricos a se tornarem prefeitos com maior frequência. Outro achado interessante é que, para municípios sem candidato incumbente, o efeito de favorecer candidatos mais ricos é maior. Esses resultados sugerem que, embora a reforma de 2015 visasse reduzir o papel do dinheiro nas eleições, questões como a remoção de limites específicos para as auto contribuições, acabaram por manter o status quo de poucas fontes de dinheiro preparando o terreno para candidaturas de sucesso. No segundo capítulo, respondo à seguinte questão: o governo federal prioriza seus aliados locais na provisão de recursos públicos? Usando um desenho de regressão em descontinuidade em eleições acirradas e dados do Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil (PMM) - um programa do Ministério da Saúde do Brasil que visa a prestação de serviços básicos de saúde e o aumento da densidade médica local transferindo de profissionais para os municípios brasileiros - este trabalho avalia o impacto do alinhamento político entre os governos federal e local sobre o número de médicos transferidos para os municípios, bem como a probabilidade de participação dos municípios. Os resultados sugerem que o governo federal não prioriza os municípios alinhados nem penaliza os governados por partidos de oposição. Mostro que esse efeito nulo permanece em municípios com diferentes níveis de densidade médica e diferentes tamanhos de população. Uma explicação para esses resultados é que devido à natureza de \"marca\" do PMM e à ampla cobertura do programa pela mídia, o crédito eleitoral da transferência deveria ir para o governo federal e, portanto, o partido que chefiava os governos locais não seria um fator crítico para a distribuição de médicos entre os municípios. O terceiro capítulo se propõe a analisar a seguinte questão: apoiadores a partidos vencedores em eleições locais estão sobrerepresentados dentre beneficiários do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida? Desde 2009, levantaram-se suspeitas sobre falta de transparência na seleção dos beneficiários pelas prefeituras e favorecimento de grupos políticos na fila de espera por habitações. Usando um modelo de Regressão em Descontinuidade (RD) na margem de vitória de eleições majoritárias municipais, este artigo investiga se membros de partidos e doadores de campanha são selecionados com mais frequência pelo programa quando apoiam candidatos vencedores. Nossos resultados sugerem não haver esse tipo de favorecimento político. Dentre as possíveis razões para encontrar tais resultados nulos, estão a possibilidade de prefeitos favorecerem aliados indiretos, ou a dificuldade de tomar de volta casas de beneficiários uma vez concedidas, o que reduz substancialmente o poder de barganha do prefeito. Além disso, é possível que a realização de seleção de candidatos mais transparente seja mais frequente exatamente em municípios com alta competição eleitoral e, portanto, com eleições mais acirradas. Neste caso, o uso de RD na margem de vitória não poderia elicitar o efeito de favorecimento político.Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USPRocha, Fabiana FontesTavares, Rafael Alves de Albuquerque2021-03-11info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesisapplication/pdfhttps://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-31052021-165612/reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USPinstname:Universidade de São Paulo (USP)instacron:USPLiberar o conteúdo para acesso público.info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesseng2021-08-11T22:30:02Zoai:teses.usp.br:tde-31052021-165612Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertaçõeshttp://www.teses.usp.br/PUBhttp://www.teses.usp.br/cgi-bin/mtd2br.plvirginia@if.usp.br|| atendimento@aguia.usp.br||virginia@if.usp.bropendoar:27212021-08-11T22:30:02Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP - Universidade de São Paulo (USP)false |
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Essays in applied political economics Ensaios em economia política aplicada |
title |
Essays in applied political economics |
spellingShingle |
Essays in applied political economics Tavares, Rafael Alves de Albuquerque Campaign financing Electoral reform Favorecimento político Financiamento de campanha Political favoring Reforma eleitoral |
title_short |
Essays in applied political economics |
title_full |
Essays in applied political economics |
title_fullStr |
Essays in applied political economics |
title_full_unstemmed |
Essays in applied political economics |
title_sort |
Essays in applied political economics |
author |
Tavares, Rafael Alves de Albuquerque |
author_facet |
Tavares, Rafael Alves de Albuquerque |
author_role |
author |
dc.contributor.none.fl_str_mv |
Rocha, Fabiana Fontes |
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv |
Tavares, Rafael Alves de Albuquerque |
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv |
Campaign financing Electoral reform Favorecimento político Financiamento de campanha Political favoring Reforma eleitoral |
topic |
Campaign financing Electoral reform Favorecimento político Financiamento de campanha Political favoring Reforma eleitoral |
description |
This doctoral dissertation consists of three independent essays, divided by chapters. In the first chapter, I examine the effects of banning corporate contributions to electoral campaigns. Using a difference-in-differences design in the suitable setting of the 2015 reform in Brazil that prohibited donations from companies, I find that banning corporate contributions led candidates to substitute the funding sources to finance campaigns. In particular, candidates relied on self-contribution. The ban also affected the pool of candidates by increasing the number of candidates running for office and attracting wealthier candidates. In terms of political selection for office, the ban led wealthier candidates to become mayors. Another interesting finding is that for municipalities with open seats the effect of favoring wealthier candidates is larger. These results suggest that even though the 2015 reform was aimed at reducing the role of money in elections, leakages such as the removal of specific limits to self-contribution can maintain the status quo of a few sources of \"big money\" setting the stage for successful candidacies. In the second chapter, I answer the following question: does the federal government prioritize its local allies on the provision of public resources? Using a regression discontinuity design in close elections and data of the Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil (PMM) - a program from the Brazilian Ministry of Health that targets the provision of basic health services and the increase of local medical density by transferring professionals to the Brazilian municipalities - this chapter assesses the impact of the political alignment between federal and local governments on the number of physicians transferred to municipalities and the municipalities\' probability of participation. The results suggest that the federal government does not prioritize same-party municipalities nor penalizes the ones governed by the opposition parties. I show that this null effect remains across municipalities with different levels of medical density and different population sizes. One explanation for these results is that with the \"branded\" nature of PMM and the wide media coverage of the program, the electoral credit for PMM ended going to the federal government and, hence, the party heading local governments would not be a critical factor for the distribution of doctors across municipalities. In the third chapter, I provide answers to the following question: are supporters of winning coalitions in local elections over-represented among beneficiaries of Minha Casa Minha Vida Program? Since 2009, suspicions have arisen about the lack of transparency in the selection of beneficiaries by city halls and about a potential political favoring of groups in the waiting list for housing. Using a Regression Discontinuity (RD) model on the margin of victory in municipal mayoral elections, this chapter investigates whether party members and campaign donors are selected more often in the program when supporting winning candidates. The results suggest that there is no such political favoring. Among the reasons for finding such null results are the possibility of mayors favoring indirect allies, or the difficulty of taking back homes from beneficiaries once granted, which substantially reduces the mayor\'s bargaining power. In addition, it is possible that the transparent selection of candidates is more frequent exactly in municipalities with high electoral competition and, therefore, with narrowly defined elections. In this case, the use of RD on the margin of victory could not elicit the effect of political favoring. |
publishDate |
2021 |
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv |
2021-03-11 |
dc.type.status.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion |
dc.type.driver.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesis |
format |
doctoralThesis |
status_str |
publishedVersion |
dc.identifier.uri.fl_str_mv |
https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-31052021-165612/ |
url |
https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-31052021-165612/ |
dc.language.iso.fl_str_mv |
eng |
language |
eng |
dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv |
|
dc.rights.driver.fl_str_mv |
Liberar o conteúdo para acesso público. info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess |
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Liberar o conteúdo para acesso público. |
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openAccess |
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application/pdf |
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|
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Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP |
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Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP |
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reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP instname:Universidade de São Paulo (USP) instacron:USP |
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Universidade de São Paulo (USP) |
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USP |
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USP |
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Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP |
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Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP |
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Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP - Universidade de São Paulo (USP) |
repository.mail.fl_str_mv |
virginia@if.usp.br|| atendimento@aguia.usp.br||virginia@if.usp.br |
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1815257512837906432 |