Essays in political economy

Detalhes bibliográficos
Autor(a) principal: Oliveira, Marcel Ferreira de
Data de Publicação: 2021
Tipo de documento: Tese
Idioma: eng
Título da fonte: Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP
Texto Completo: https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-08122022-213753/
Resumo: This thesis is divided into two essays divided by chapters. In the first chapter, we investigate whether the size of legislative houses have any influence in the gender composition of the legislative house. To do so, we employ a regression discontinuity design to exploit an exogenous variation in the size of local legislatures in Brazil. This variation resulted from a rule that determined precisely the size of local legislatures according to population thresholds for the elections of 2004 and 2008. This quasi-experiment was investigated previously by Correa e Madeira (2014), which had found that the number of seats in the legislature has a significant and positive impact on the share of women in the legislature. The authors claim that this is result from a cannibalization effect among male candidates. As the number of seats increase, more candidates participate in the elections. However, most of these candidates are men and they compete with each other. This competition does not affect women as much, which results in an improvement on the chance that women will be elected. We develop a theoretical framework to formalize this argument. We develop a model of imperfect coordination in which voters have distinct preferences for male and female candidates. Under the assumption that it is costlier for women to participate in the election and that the voters are sufficiently biased against women, we are able to model and replicate this cannibalization effect. Moreover, the authors also find that this increase in female representation was followed by improvements in early education, antenatal and infant health care and social and community assistance. We re-examine their findings using non-parametric methods. We find very similar results, serving as additional exercises for the robustness of these results. In the second chapter, we take a different approach to examine the entry of women in politics and its effects on the provision of public goods. We investigate the impacts of electing a woman to a local legislative house in the context of close elections in Brazil. In contrast to the previous study and to other studies, we find no evidence that there is any effect of the gender of the legislator on policy outcomes related to early education, prenatal and child health care and government spending. Our regressions did find significant decrease in underweight births; however these findings are not robust when we employ the Romano-Wolf procedure to control for the Familywise Error Rate (FWER). That means we cannot rule out the possibility that this result is just a false positive. This lack of concrete results is in contrast with previous literature. We argue that simply electing women might not be enough to observe significant impacts in policy-making, leading us to believe other political factors might serve as prerequisite for their effective participation.
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spelling Essays in political economyEnsaios em economia políticaClose electionsEconomia políticaEleições acirradasGender and local legislative electionsGênero e eleições para o legislativo localPolitical economyRegressão descontínuaRegression discontinuityThis thesis is divided into two essays divided by chapters. In the first chapter, we investigate whether the size of legislative houses have any influence in the gender composition of the legislative house. To do so, we employ a regression discontinuity design to exploit an exogenous variation in the size of local legislatures in Brazil. This variation resulted from a rule that determined precisely the size of local legislatures according to population thresholds for the elections of 2004 and 2008. This quasi-experiment was investigated previously by Correa e Madeira (2014), which had found that the number of seats in the legislature has a significant and positive impact on the share of women in the legislature. The authors claim that this is result from a cannibalization effect among male candidates. As the number of seats increase, more candidates participate in the elections. However, most of these candidates are men and they compete with each other. This competition does not affect women as much, which results in an improvement on the chance that women will be elected. We develop a theoretical framework to formalize this argument. We develop a model of imperfect coordination in which voters have distinct preferences for male and female candidates. Under the assumption that it is costlier for women to participate in the election and that the voters are sufficiently biased against women, we are able to model and replicate this cannibalization effect. Moreover, the authors also find that this increase in female representation was followed by improvements in early education, antenatal and infant health care and social and community assistance. We re-examine their findings using non-parametric methods. We find very similar results, serving as additional exercises for the robustness of these results. In the second chapter, we take a different approach to examine the entry of women in politics and its effects on the provision of public goods. We investigate the impacts of electing a woman to a local legislative house in the context of close elections in Brazil. In contrast to the previous study and to other studies, we find no evidence that there is any effect of the gender of the legislator on policy outcomes related to early education, prenatal and child health care and government spending. Our regressions did find significant decrease in underweight births; however these findings are not robust when we employ the Romano-Wolf procedure to control for the Familywise Error Rate (FWER). That means we cannot rule out the possibility that this result is just a false positive. This lack of concrete results is in contrast with previous literature. We argue that simply electing women might not be enough to observe significant impacts in policy-making, leading us to believe other political factors might serve as prerequisite for their effective participation.Esta tese consiste em dois ensaios divididos em capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, nós investigamos se o tamanho das casas legislativas municipais tem alguma influência na composição de gênero das casas legislativas. Para fazer isso, empregamos um design de regressão descontínua para explorar uma variação exógena no tamanho das casas legislativas municipais no Brasil. Essa variação resultou de uma regra que determinou de modo preciso o tamanho das casas legislativas de acordo com faixas populacionais para as eleições de 2004 e 2008. Esse quase-experimento foi investigado anteriormente por Correa e Madeira (2014), que haviam encontrado que o número de assentos no legislativo tem um efeito positivo e significante na proporção de mulheres na legislatura. Os autores afirmam que isso resulta de um efeito de canibalização entre os candidatos homens. Conforme o número de vagas aumenta, mais candidatos participam das eleições. Porém, a maioria dos candidatos são homens e eles competem entre si. Essa competição não afeta tanto as mulheres, o que resulta numa melhora das chances de uma mulher ser eleita. Nós desenvolvemos um modelo teórico para formalizar este argumento. Nós desenvolvemos um modelo de coordenação imperfeita em que os eleitores têm preferências distintas por candidatos homens e mulheres. Sob a hipótese de que é mais custoso para mulheres participarem da eleição e que os eleitores são suficientemente enviesados contra mulheres, nós conseguimos modelar e replicar esse efeito de canibalização. Além disso, os autores também encontraram que o aumento na participação feminina foi seguido de melhoras na educação infantil, saúde pré-natal e infantil e na assistência comunitária e social. Nós re-examinamos os achados deles usando métodos não-paramétricos. Nós encontramos resultados muito similares, que servem de exercícios adicionais para a robustez desses resultados. No segundo capítulo, nós tomamos uma abordagem diferente para examinar a entrada de mulheres na política e seus efeitos na provisão de bens públicos. Nós investigamos os impactos de eleger uma mulher para uma casa legislativa municipal em um contexto de eleições acirradas no Brasil. Em contraste com o estudo anterior e com outros estudos, nós não encontramos nenhuma evidência de que haja algum efeito de gênero do legislador em resultados políticos relacionados à educação infantil, saúde pré-natal e infantil e no gasto do governo. Nossas regressões mostraram uma queda significante nos nascidos abaixo do peso, mas esses achados não são robustos quando empregamos o procedimento de Romano-Wolf para controlar pelo Familywise Error Rate - FWER. Isso significa que nós não podemos rejeitar a hipótese de que esse resultado era apenas um falso positivo. Essa falta de evidências concretas está em contraste com a literatura anterior. Nós argumentamos que simplesmente eleger mulheres pode não ser o suficiente para observar impactos significantes sobre o processo de elaboração de políticas, nos levando a acreditar que outros fatores políticos podem estar servindo de pré-requisitos para sua participação efetiva.Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USPMadeira, Ricardo de AbreuNakaguma, Marcos YamadaOliveira, Marcel Ferreira de2021-12-14info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesisapplication/pdfhttps://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-08122022-213753/reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USPinstname:Universidade de São Paulo (USP)instacron:USPLiberar o conteúdo para acesso público.info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesseng2022-12-15T17:05:49Zoai:teses.usp.br:tde-08122022-213753Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertaçõeshttp://www.teses.usp.br/PUBhttp://www.teses.usp.br/cgi-bin/mtd2br.plvirginia@if.usp.br|| atendimento@aguia.usp.br||virginia@if.usp.bropendoar:27212022-12-15T17:05:49Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP - Universidade de São Paulo (USP)false
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Essays in political economy
Ensaios em economia política
title Essays in political economy
spellingShingle Essays in political economy
Oliveira, Marcel Ferreira de
Close elections
Economia política
Eleições acirradas
Gender and local legislative elections
Gênero e eleições para o legislativo local
Political economy
Regressão descontínua
Regression discontinuity
title_short Essays in political economy
title_full Essays in political economy
title_fullStr Essays in political economy
title_full_unstemmed Essays in political economy
title_sort Essays in political economy
author Oliveira, Marcel Ferreira de
author_facet Oliveira, Marcel Ferreira de
author_role author
dc.contributor.none.fl_str_mv Madeira, Ricardo de Abreu
Nakaguma, Marcos Yamada
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Oliveira, Marcel Ferreira de
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv Close elections
Economia política
Eleições acirradas
Gender and local legislative elections
Gênero e eleições para o legislativo local
Political economy
Regressão descontínua
Regression discontinuity
topic Close elections
Economia política
Eleições acirradas
Gender and local legislative elections
Gênero e eleições para o legislativo local
Political economy
Regressão descontínua
Regression discontinuity
description This thesis is divided into two essays divided by chapters. In the first chapter, we investigate whether the size of legislative houses have any influence in the gender composition of the legislative house. To do so, we employ a regression discontinuity design to exploit an exogenous variation in the size of local legislatures in Brazil. This variation resulted from a rule that determined precisely the size of local legislatures according to population thresholds for the elections of 2004 and 2008. This quasi-experiment was investigated previously by Correa e Madeira (2014), which had found that the number of seats in the legislature has a significant and positive impact on the share of women in the legislature. The authors claim that this is result from a cannibalization effect among male candidates. As the number of seats increase, more candidates participate in the elections. However, most of these candidates are men and they compete with each other. This competition does not affect women as much, which results in an improvement on the chance that women will be elected. We develop a theoretical framework to formalize this argument. We develop a model of imperfect coordination in which voters have distinct preferences for male and female candidates. Under the assumption that it is costlier for women to participate in the election and that the voters are sufficiently biased against women, we are able to model and replicate this cannibalization effect. Moreover, the authors also find that this increase in female representation was followed by improvements in early education, antenatal and infant health care and social and community assistance. We re-examine their findings using non-parametric methods. We find very similar results, serving as additional exercises for the robustness of these results. In the second chapter, we take a different approach to examine the entry of women in politics and its effects on the provision of public goods. We investigate the impacts of electing a woman to a local legislative house in the context of close elections in Brazil. In contrast to the previous study and to other studies, we find no evidence that there is any effect of the gender of the legislator on policy outcomes related to early education, prenatal and child health care and government spending. Our regressions did find significant decrease in underweight births; however these findings are not robust when we employ the Romano-Wolf procedure to control for the Familywise Error Rate (FWER). That means we cannot rule out the possibility that this result is just a false positive. This lack of concrete results is in contrast with previous literature. We argue that simply electing women might not be enough to observe significant impacts in policy-making, leading us to believe other political factors might serve as prerequisite for their effective participation.
publishDate 2021
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